Every five years the worth of the Adivasi voter is realised by the political parties just before the assembly and Lok Sabha elections. These Adivasis, the so-called Scheduled Tribes (STs), who constitute 8.6 percent of India’s total population (Census 2011), are not in the consciousness of the nation, with a few exceptions. Their collective histories and contribution to nation building are yet to find space in the education curriculum. The reservation policy or ‘positive discrimination’ seems more of a liability to the majority than a mechanism for redressing the historic injustice. No wonder, a spokesperson of a national party recently publicly expressed his wish to repeal of the reservation policy. There are ample constitutional provisions and policies for protection and development of Adivasis. It is, however, mystifying that their pace of progress is so slow.
Adivasis – The neglected lot
The country boasts of Adivasi-friendly laws particularly during the Congress-led regime, such as The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996; The Right to Information Act, 2005; The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013; and The Indian National Food Security Act, 2013. However, neither of these Acts have been implemented fully, nor have they given real power to the Adivasis in planning, implementation and evaluation.
The Indian Constitution enshrines a socialistic nature of economy, which is more amenable to Adivasis. However, rampant corporatisation has virtually left no space for them. The systemic violence against them is manifested in forms of land grabbing, plundering and pillaging of their natural resources, their exclusion, marginalisation, exploitation, oppression, and their treatment as second class citizens.
Irrespective of 66 years of Indian democracy, Adivasis are still asking the meaning of democracy, human rights, citizenship rights and fundamental rights as enshrined in the Constitution. Their plight presents an alarming situation in terms of illiteracy, unemployment, land alienation, health hazards, poverty, migration, displacement, militarisation of tribal areas, violation of human rights, etc. This is only a symptomatic of a larger malaise. Thus, the major area of concern for Adivasis is development with dignity and identity.
Political representation
As the country goes to the 16th Lok Sabha polls for 543 seats, 40 constituencies (7.36 percent) are reserved for STs
as per the 1st schedule to Representation of People Act, 1950. The north-eastern states are predominantly tribal but the numbers of parliamentary seats are very few excepting Assam. While Assam accounts for two (14.28 percent) reserved seats for STs out of total 14, Manipur, Meghalaya and Tripura have only two seats each, which are all
unreserved. Mizoram and Nagaland have only one unreserved parliamentary seat each. In the rest of India, the highest percentage of ST constituencies is in Chhattisgarh, i.e 36.36 percent (four) out of total 11, followed by Jharkhand’s 35.71 percent (five) out of total 14. Similarly, Odisha has 23.80 percent (five) reserved seats for STs of total 21, Madhya Pradesh has 20.65 percent (six) ST seats of total 29, Gujarat has 15.38 percent (four) of 26, and Maharashtra has 8.33 percent (four) of 48 seats. Further, Andhra Pradesh has 7.14 percent (three) seats for STs of 42, and Karnataka has 7.14 percent (two) reserved seats for STs of 28.
Apart from the above ST constituencies, there are Adivasis also in non-scheduled areas, and the following are their demands which needs to be a part of the election manifesto for whichever party that is going to form the next government:
Economy: Adivasis want an inclusive development with a humane face. According to Planning Commission, in 2004-05, percentage of ST population Below Poverty Line (BPL) in rural areas was 47.2 percent, while it was 33.3 percent in urban areas.
Adivasis want restoration of their lost land and a total ban on further land alienation whether mortgaged or by sale. They want either scrapping of Special Economic Zones (SEZ) Act or formulation of policies to regulate them. Adivasis want power to the original land-owners to be inserted in the agreement, so that the land-owner is a beneficiary from the contract. Scholars like Walter Fernandes suggest that in Orissa 42 percent of the displaced persons (DPs), in Andhra Pradesh 28 percent, and in Jharkhand 60 percent, are tribals. Of the total DPs in India more than 40 percent of the displaced and affected are Adivasis of whom women and children are the worst sufferers.
Irrespective of the new ‘Land Act’ integrating rehabilitation and resettlement in it, the principles of ‘eminent domain’, ‘public purpose’ and ‘national interest’ continue to haunt the Adivasis like the draconian Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and the Forest Act of 1927, apart from the Special Economic Zone Act of 2005. The new Land Law, rather than protecting Adivasi land, facilitates its smooth transfer. Hence, on the issue of land, it appears as if Adivasis are on one side and all parties irrespective of their ideological differences, on the other. The Indian National Food Security Act, 2013, is fine as a relief measure, but is no replacement for the Adivasis’ loss of livelihood due to the so-called development projects. Adivasis want a legislation to effectively implement the Tribal Sub- Plan (TSP) that has special package for Adivasi development.
Employment: Setting up of factories and mines in Adivasi lands does not necessarily create jobs for the local Adivasis. A very high percentage of them is still illiterate and lack skill. Adivasis demand creation of jobs in rural and urban areas suitable for them. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) gives a temporary relief to the rural unemployed, but it is not sustainable. Adivasis want its effective implementation and severe punishment of the corrupt. In the industry sector, Adivasis want their inclusion in terms of services, technology and marketing facilities to artisans, small scale, village, handloom and handicrafts and similar other industries that will facilitate income generation for them.
Agriculture: More than 70 percent tribals depend on agriculture for their livelihood. Every year hundreds of farmers commit suicide, primarily due to uncertainty and insecurity. Adivasis demand farmer-friendly agriculture policies.
Education: In 2001 the gap between ST and non-ST literacy was 17.7 percent compared to 29.6 percent in 1991. The ST literacy rate has increased to 47.1 percent (Census 2001), but quality education in government schools/colleges is missing where Adivasi children are enrolled. Their number goes on decreasing as they go to higher levels of education. Adivasis demand that the governmental and non-governmental spending on education, primary, secondary and higher education, be earmarked and substantially subsidised for them at the higher level. Central Universities for Adivasis need to focus on quality and tribal environment.
Health: Health status of the tribals is very low. Their health seeking behaviour is determined by their culture. They demand promotion of their indigenous knowledge system and health practices. They want improvement and increase in the Primary Health Centers (PHCs) in rural areas, tribal areas and northeastern states. They want PHCs to be equipped with modern facilities. They also demand improvement in communication in tribal areas to have easy access to these centres.
Reservation policy: Positive discrimination is one of the small steps to address the historic injustice faced by Adivasis. They demand fulfillment of backlogs of the reservation policy in all sectors meant for the STs, i.e., 7.5 percent in the centre and as per the state policy in the states. They demand that officials not implementing the policy be severely punished.
Basic amenities: Majority of the Adivasis in rural areas still defecate in the open. There is no safe drinking water. Many villages are malaria prone. There is no electricity. Adivasis demand safe drinking water, a habitat policy for common minimum shelter, and rural electrification. They demand rural roads/rail connectivity in the scheduled areas, tribal areas and the north-eastern states.
Socio-cultural and political demands: Adivasis are proud of their identity and would like the government to protect the tribal languages, cultures and tribal political system. They want ‘real’ self-rule and empowerment of the Gram Sabha in Scheduled areas. They want that customary laws be respected in the north-east.
Protection from human rights violations: In the name of tackling the extremist menace, the state is terrorising the local people by projects like Operation Green Hunt, Salva Judum, and Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958. Those who protest against the state terrorism are branded as anti-national. Thousands of Adivasis are languishing in jails for their alleged contacts with the Maoists. Adivasis want protection against all forms of violence against them either by individuals/groups or by the state.
Adivasi women: Woman is considered to be a Devi, but only in theory. Adivasi women are molested, raped, attacked, commercialised, and trafficked for domestic work and sex market. Adivasis support the demand for 33 percent reservation of seats in Parliament and state assemblies. However, they also want separate seat allocation for ST women. They want free education for girls up to college level including professional courses. On the whole, Adivasis demand social security, a guarantee of their rights, transparency and accountability in governance, preservation of environment and promotion of sustainable development. They demand strict implementation of the legislations favourable to them and scrapping up of the unfavourable ones.
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Dr. Joseph Marianus Kujur
The writer is the Head, Department of Tribal Studies at The Indian Social Institute, New Delhi.[/column]